مجله پژوهش های تاریخی ایران و اسلام
پیاپی 31 (پاییز و زمستان 1401)

The prominence of the actions of some political leaders in history is a phenomenon that cannot be fully analyzed by relying on individual abilities. What adds to the importance of this issue is successful governance in youth when one does not yet have much experience. Accordingly, the following research seeks to explain the emergence of emotional intelligence in the successful rule of Shah Abbas I Safavid in his youth and then to examine the grounds for constructing his rule. This research has been done by descriptive-analytical method and relying on library study.The results of this study show aspects of the emergence of emotional intelligence in the successful rule of the Shah such immediate understanding of society and the discovery of neglected elements and attention to the implementation of social justice, spiritual openness to society and a correct understanding of the environment. This framework is the product of modeling the political and social context of the Shah's childhood and adolescence and the reproducing the collective memory of Iranian society of the short but significant life of Shah Ismail II and the riots of his father's era. In fact, the set of developments of the reign of the father and the social behavior of Shah Ismail II and its positive feedback in the society, part of which appeared in Ismail Mirza's false movements, strengthened the comprehensive understanding of the target society in teenage King and became his role model. Make him successful.

The monopoly on textbook printing should be seen as a move towards centralization in education, which absolute governments were keen to do. In Iran, monopolies in education increased when the government was in a state of centralism, and conversely, when the central power was challenged, it filled the diversity of the educational space. With the occupation of Iran in September 1941 and the fall of Reza Shah's authoritarian government, a period of decentralized rule began and a great deal of taste and diversity arose in the field of textbooks. The Pahlavi government, which had taken a step towards centralism with the coup d'état of August 19, 1953, and saw this happen by being in the Western bloc, monopolized the printing of elementary textbooks with the help of the Franklin Publishing Company, an American company. Although the government since 1963. With the founding of the Textbook Organization, he's seemingly focused on the area under his supervision, but that did not diminish the influence of the Franklin Institute. In this article, an attempt has been made to study the formation of educational order through the organization of textbooks in a descriptive-analytical manner and relying on historical documents. Although the attempt to centralize the printing of textbooks was somewhat successful, since the government could not oversee the issue, we are witnessing the formation of a rent with the transfer of part of the government's privilege to a non-Iranian institution, which has met with many protests and oppositions.

Due to political developments and relations, the Safavid period is a period in which European tourists traveled to Iran for various reasons more than before, and as a result, many travelogues were written compared to the past. Safavid-era madrasahs, as the most important center of education, were considered by some tourists, the most prominent of which are Chardin, Tavernier and Kempfer. The question is, what are the views of European tourists about education in Safavid madrasahs and its educational programs? This article tries to analyze and critique the reports and opinions of foreign tourists about the programs and educational resources of this course through analytical method and citing library sources. Research findings show that European tourists often compare Iranian madrasah curricula with the European education system and as a result find it irregular and chaotic, which sometimes seems pessimistic. In introducing educational resources, they have paid more attention to non-religious sciences such as mathematics, astronomy, that is, what has been familiar to them.

Following the assassination of the third caliph in 35 A.H. and the imposed wars upon Imam Ali the ground was prepared for the rise of Osmaniye thought in a part of Islamic world. The Umayyadsattempts to marginalize Imam Ali's virtues through their narrators network played a widespread role and later The Abbasid's political campaigns in internalizing and perpetuating this thought and theory, perspectively. After the fall of Umayyads and ascending of Abbasids to the throne and with the maturity of Ahl-e-Hadis, Ahmad-Ibn-Hanbal (164-241 A. H.) contributed to the Islamic solidarity through introducing Tarbi'a thought, i.e. accepting Imam Ali as the fourth caliph. The present research attempts to consider this thought through analyzing and describing the history of this thought. It also resolves to answer the question of" what have been the backgrounds of Tarbi'a in Ibn-Hanbal's perspective?". The findings of this research suggest that with the help of Ahl-e-Bayt and influence of Hadis narrators famous for their love of Ahl-e-Bayt, Ibn-e Hanbal set out to answer intellectual questions of his age, mitigate verbal disputes and carry out religious desensitizing in society. This research, based on the" sovereignty symmetry and religious belief-making" approach and through considering Hadis changes in the third century, set out to analyze and describe Tarbi'a in Ahmad-Ibn-Hanbal's perspectives.

It studies the concept of identity, what and who a person is in society. In the new era, with the rise of nationalism, the issue of national identity has been raised as the most important human identity in society, and this identity has shaped the political-social structure of countries and the international system.Following the familiarization of Iranians with nationalism, due to internal and external reasons and problems, the political and social elites welcomed nationalism and turned it into a powerful current in the society.The Pahlavi government, according to the capacities of nationalism in its form and content, turned its antiquarian form into the ideology of its modern government.This kind of nationalism has had several functions in creating the self-awareness of Iranians from the Pahlavi era until today; However, the hypothesis of this article is that antiquarian nationalism itself has become one of the factors of identity gaps in Iran.This research, with historical-analytical method, wants to answer the question of how the nationalism of the Pahlavi government, which was "romantic"-"archaist" nationalism, has created the ground for the emergence of an identity crisis in Iranian society?The results of the research show that in this period, the context of identity crisis and fragmentation arose when the archaic nationalism of the Pahlavi government was able to use nationalism in the process of modernizing the society by purifying the identity and changing it from Islam and strengthening the ethnic-linguistic identity and secularizing the identity. Historicism of social identity and ignoring civil rights lead the society to identity divergence.

Relatively speaking, the policy and approach of the Naqshbandi Tariqat is derived from the Tariqat of Abdul Khaliq Ghajdwani (died 575AH). But the origin of this sect is attributed to Bahauddin Muhammad Naqshband Bukhari (717-719 A.H.), which was established and expanded in the Khorasan region and beyond. During the Timurid period, his successors were given the position of peshvai. However, the peak of prosperity and spread of the Naqshbandi Tariqat happened in the second half of the 9th century AH under the leadership of Khwaja Ubaidullah Ahrar (died895AH) who had a close relationship with Sultan Abu Said. Naqshbandiyeh was influenced by the cultural and political conditions of the Timurid period in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana)and Khorasan. Investigation and research showed that 1: The Naqshbandi sect had an impact on the religious and religious orientation of the ruling body in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan, which was the center of power of the Timurids, and the prosperity of the Naqshbandi sect in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan was the result of a direct relationship with the system of social values and its religious principles. Tariqah was with the cultural and political structure of Timurid period society.2: the weakening of the Naqshbandi Tariqat in Mawra al-Nahr (Transoxiana)and Khorasan after the fall of the Timurids was due to the change in political and cultural conditions in the region of Naqshbandi and Khorasan, and this caused the influence of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandi Tariqa and its ability to influence the society to be greatly reduced. The method of this research, like historical research, is based on the description and analysis of library resource data, which uses Foucault's theory of genealogy in historical analysis.

Ehsan Tabari's critical approach to the archaic ideology of the Pahlavi government is an ideological, hostile and militant confrontation that has meaning in the discourse and political atmosphere of Iran in this period. Tabari tries to challenge the official archaic discourse of the Pahlavi government as a heterogeneous voice. This approach is more militant, ideological, and political in nature than it is concerned with relying on historiographical documents and it is a function of the political-ideological position of the historian as a militant left-wing ideologue attached to the theoretical logic of Marxism in the re-reading of history. This critical approach has several important features: First, it challenges the Pahlavi government's arrogant and glorious official account of the fundamental concept of monarchy in a moralistic-instructive perspective and by including it under the concept of degeneration, Second, it attacks the racial-nationalist character of this archaic ideology by relying on the concept of internationalism And third, by proposing some critical perspectives, he assesses the institutionalizations that emerge from this archaic worldview as emerging from a kind of historical illusion that leads to institutional chauvinism. In this research, with an analytical approach, Ehsan Tabari's critical insight into the archeological ideology of the Pahlavi government will be analyzed and an attempt will be made to question the various layers of this critical approach and the factors influencing its formation as well as its constructive contexts.

With the dissolution of the Supreme Council of Women, the Women's Organization of Iran was replaced in 1345 by Ashraf Pahlavi. The purpose of its establishment was to promote the status of women, acquaint women with their rights and duties, mobilize them to participate in social activities, coordinate the activities of various communities of Iranian women and establish mutual understanding and relations between them and women of other countries. This government organization until 1357, had more than four hundred branches throughout the country, had become the largest organization working in the field of women. The purpose of the present study is to analyze the contexts and motivations effective in the formation of the Iranian Women's Organization. Why and how was Iran formed? The findings show that the large number of women populations in the years after the fall of Reza Khan's government necessitated the convergence of populations and the formation of the High Council of Women. Simultaneously with the government and the White Shah Revolution, the government, through the dissolution of the High Council of Women and the establishment of the Women's Organization, in addition to preventing the activities of independent women's organizations, promoted women's programs towards its development goals.

The fall of the Safavid dynasty in 1135 AH, due to economic, political, military and ideological crises, opened the way for parallel tribal forces; One of the most important issues of this period is the impact of unhealthy political and social situation on the economy of the society. Political instability, chaos, the establishment of tribal monarchies and domestication, in a short period of Afghan rule, affected Iranian society and, most importantly, affected Iran's economic life. The main question of the present article is how the Iranian economy in the Afghan era has been affected by political and social factors and has stagnated and degenerated. Here, relying on descriptive-explanatory method, it is tried to study economic conditions and the impact of socio-political factors on the current situation. So, it is assumed that the lack of political stability and security, the emergence of multiple centers of power, heavy taxes, road insecurity, murder and looting and reduced active population led to recession and economic decline and cessation of domestic and foreign production and trade during the Afghan era.

The proximity of Saravan city to the Indian subcontinent and influence from the eastern lands of Iran has made Saravan the source of cultural developments based on Sufism. Also, the role of Sunni Hanafi scholars in the political developments of the border regions of eastern Iran and the Indian subcontinent is undeniable. Deoband school is responsible for the biggest contribution of this role-playing. After the spread of this school among the Sunni community, Hanafi Muslims were most influenced by it. On the other hand, the existence of religious schools influenced by Afghanistan and India has introduced Saravan as an important base of Sufism in the past ages. The maturity of the Deoband school in Saravan has been the source of extensive cultural developments in eastern Iran for eighty years ago. The emergence of different schools such as Barilvi, Jamaat Tabligh, Maududi, Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi in this city is proof of the growth of religious activity in this region. Considering the diversity of Islamic sects and religions in Saravan, what is prescribed should be discussed in this article; Examining the status of Saravan's cultural and religious developments in the past two hundred years, as well as expressing the factors affecting these political and cultural developments and analyzing the role of Muslim scholars in the growth and diversity of Saravan's cultural and religious differences, the most effective method of studying these questions and approving the findings and results of the research is the descriptive method. The analysis is based on sources, documents and oral data through interviews.

During the Il-khanid period, it had been created a good atmosphere that allow to the scholars of different lands to move to Iran as a result of the wide extent of the Mongol territory, as well as their Religious and intrinsic Toleration. Therefore, there was a widespread scientific relationship between the Il-khanid land and other civilization centers of the world. This case had created by the full support of the officials of science and education in Iran, along with the scholarly spirit, the scientific trips and the vast movement of scholars in Iran and other lands. These mutual relations have contributed to the revival of scientific activities in Iran and the exchange of heritage and scientific findings of this land with different nations from the Far East to the West, thus it should be considered as a positive and significant scientific and cultural outcome of the Ilkhanid rule in Iran. By descriptive-analytical method, this paper seeks to examine the factors caused these relationships, beside of describing the scientific exchanges between the scholars of the Il-khanid territory and other scholars of the world.

The travelogue's view of the exercise of power in the first period of the Safavid rule encompassed all the religious-political-social and economic components involved in the type of politics and practices of the Safavid rule. Travel writers pay attention to the issue of exercising power in the first period of Safavid rule in a way that includes some of the most important models, methods and principles of politics and government in this period. The present article seeks to evaluate the travel writers' narrative of the exercise of power in the first period of the Safavid rule and tries to answer the question based on the data in travelogues and descriptive-analytical method that components affect the exercise of political power in Safavid Iran (The first period) from the point of view of travel writers, what were they and what was the impact of these components on this political structure? The hypothesis states that for the travel writers of religion and the institution of religion, economics and related developments, and the Shah himself and his supporters, as the most important components in the political structure of the Safavid era in the period under discussion in the exercise of power, these components were multifaceted. And how they influenced the exercise of power occupied the minds and tongues of travel writers

The position of Naqib is one of the most important government positions in the Al-Buya period, which shows a manifestation of the way of actions and relationships and the performance of power in this period. This research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, wants to investigate the position and function of the post of Naqib in the period of Al-Buya and to answer the question of how the post of Naqib in the period of Al-Buyeh is used to guide, control and supervise Sadat "Azhan" and Ebdan" and Alavids acted?The findings of the research show that the position of Naqib is related to power and it acted as a tool to exercise power in order to control and monitor the affairs of "mind and life", also the position and position of Naqib depends on the level of attention of the princes. It depended on them and if they were successful in controlling the protests and removing the threats and tensions, they would be more favored, otherwise their position would be endangered. Finally, the position of Naqib was considered one of the most important tools of the sovereign power to exercise power and normalize Sadat's society in order to establish order in the society through it.

Nizamiya schools significantly influenced the Seljuq era's intellectual and religious development. It's required to analyze some of this institution's underappreciated functions. The founder of the schools, Khawaja Nizam al-Mulk, had a religious policy focused on Sunni religious centralization. To legitimize Seljuq and establish Sunni religious unity against rival currents, he followed a unique religious disposition based on Shafi'i-Ash'ari's teachings. He defined its criteria using the "Good-creed" concept. In the Nizamiyas, he continuously used this disposition in educational and propaganda proceedings. This study investigates the components of this model in a descriptive-analytical manner by examining the conditions under Khawaja's ministry and the aims that led to developing a religion-based political strategy. This technique resulted in a balance between Sunni sects (Nahle) as well as the separation of religious beliefs in the type of traditionalists and heretics in a religious arena. According to the findings, Khawaja enhanced the Sunni principles and unity versus the religious propaganda from opposing currents by using this model in the religious sector. He legitimized the Seljuqs' performance and survival in the political realm by Good-creed standards and implemented it in Nizamiya schools for organized institutionalizing the Good-creed model.

The difference between the Imamiyyah and the Ash'ari and the Abbasid caliphs was a result of the mission that the Seljuqs held for themselves as the supporters of the Sunnah religion and the caliphate against the threats of the Alawites and Shiites. The Imamiyyah considered the Abbasid caliphate illegitimate, and the Ash'ari did not accept the Alevi caliphate and the authority of the Shiite government for the Sunnis. The enmity of the Abbasids with the Shiites caused the officialization of the Sunni religion and the Ash'ari school. Emamiyyah, who saw themselves as a minority in the majority society, their strategy to get out of this crisis was to try for identity, intellectual confrontation, religious formalism and statism in the territorial sphere. The idea and guidance of this strategy was the responsibility of the elders and thinkers of this era. The combination of these factors caused the divergence and conflict between the Imamiyyah and Ash'ari discursive thought, and the two currents used theoretical methods and physical operations in opposition. This research with a historical method based on a descriptive-analytical approach tries to answer the question: What were the factors and effective factors in the conflict between the Imamiyyah and the Ash'ari in the Seljuk era? The findings of the research show that the historical, religious, and political and social factors were the main differences between the Imamiyyah and the Ash'ari and the Abbasid caliphs, which led to the fall of the Boya dynasty, the rise of the Seljuks, and the intensification of theological and religious conflicts common in this era.

The Seljuk government had two major internal barriers to establishing centralized and stable bureaucratic management. The first obstacle was the lack of stable financial and monetary resources. The second obstacle was the lack of a centralized communication and transportation system in the political realm. The dominance of the natural economy in the society and the low prevalence of money in the market and trade relations caused the shortage and limitation of monetary resources in the central treasury. Because the government had to collect taxes in a non-monetary way. Lack of liquidity in the government treasury was the most important obstacle to the establishment and consolidation of the bureaucracy. The policy of the Seljuk government in Assignment of Igta’ and non-cash payments to government officials was due to lack of liquidity. Also, the lack of a transportation system and continuous means of communication within the political realm led to the inability of the Central Court to continuously oversee the provinces and the activities of local and province governors. These two conditions led to the disintegration of the Seljuk state and the collapse of the central bureaucracy.

Egypt faced successive periods of inflation during the first generation of the Fatimid caliphs. The crises that resulted in the accumulation of gold and its gradual elimination from commercial interactions were so serious that the Fatimid caliph “Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah” (the sixth Fatimid caliph and 16th Ismaili imam) was forced to adopt monetary reforms. The present study aimed to find out how did the economic reforms perpetuated by Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah reduce the consequences of the al-Mustansariyah crisis? The study was conducted according to a descriptive methodology by analyzing historical data, and it was shown that the most significant economic reforms of Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah included stabilizing the bimetallic system, establishing the “Divan-i Mufrad” and redistributing the cash flow as alms and state donations to return the hoarded gold (al-Kanz) to the cycle of economic transactions. The above reforms prevented the prevalence of less valuable currencies in the place of dirhams and dinars. Thus, they alleviated the effects of economic crises in Egypt in the long run particularly after the country cut ties with the Zirid Dynasty, the gold imports from Egypt were reduced, and the state treasuries were plundered during the al-Mustansiriyah crisis.

Since the 1970s, Mohammed Arkoun (1928-2010) has worked on projects such as "Islamic Criticism, " "Applied Islamology, " and "Prospective Critical Wisdom" with the goal of monitoring and conducting Islamic studies as well as the crisis of the Islamic-Arab world. Secularism is one of Erkon's special values in his thought. This article takes a descriptive-analytical approach to Arkoun's ideas on secularism in the Islamic world.Questions: What, in Arkoun's opinion, is the definition and fundamentals of secularism? Is Arkoun's secularism a reasonable alternative to religious debate? Findings According to his reading, secularism is a schema that developed in Western countries in opposition to theocracy. He regards the duality of Islam and secularism as one of the most difficult issues in recent Islamic thought, and he regards the implementation of secularism in Islamic societies as making significant progress. One of Arkoun's innovations is the division of secularism in Islamic history into four periods. Secularism, according to him, had no place in the Prophetic era and only began with the Umayyad caliphate and developed during the monarchy. With three experiences in France, Lebanon, and Turkey, Arkoun also introduced the dual of open and coercive secularism. Coercive secularism has marginalized religious discourse in opposition to social discourses, and it is a failed experiment. However, free secularism is a progressive path that includes the establishment of modernism components such as gender equality, democracy, and so on. Arkoun viewed secularism as a method of governing the socio-political arena rather than as an alternative ideology to religion.

Sheikh Hussein bin Abdul Samad Harithi Ameli (984-918) was one of the famous jurists of the first Safavid period and contemporary with Shah Tahmaseb (984-930 AH). The main purpose of this study is to study political thought, its influence and performance in political affairs. The main question of this research is what effect did Sheikh Hussein's political thought have on Safavid society and the political performance of Shah Tahmasb? Research Method In this research, historical-analytical and data collection has been done by library method. The main research tool is the data of historical sources of the Safavid era, especially the surviving works of Sheikh Hussein, many of which have not yet been translated and corrected (for example, the treatise of Abbah to receive the awards of the rulers, of which an independent report has been published so far. It is not submitted). The findings of this study show that the most important influence of Sheikh Hussein's political thought and action can be considered as generalizing the holding of Friday prayers as a religious-political duty. In general, Sheikh Hussein's approach to Friday prayers, the issue of receiving prizes and gifts from kings and prostrating to the Shah, has been in the direction of legitimizing the rule of Shah Tahmasb and has made great efforts in this regard.

Kermanshahan province was one of the most important political and military bases of Shah Afshar to attack the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Nader Shah.Nader Shah strengthened this base even more by building a strong fortress in Kermanshah. Also, the geographical location of this state, which was located on the highway connecting Khorasan to Baghdad and Khuzestan to Azerbaijan, provided excellent conditions for it.With Nader's death and the beginning of chaos and unrest in Iran, Kermanshahan became the focus of those claiming to rule Iran; The claimants of the monarchy over Iran considered the achievement of Kermanshahan necessary to advance their political-military goals, and during their numerous skirmishes, they always fought to seize it.The main question of the present study is that what was the importance of the geostrategic location of Kermanshah for the claimants of the monarchy in Iran? It seems that the province of Kermanshah, due to its strong and well-equipped military fort, border with the Ottoman lands, being in important communication routes and having the militias of the tribes and nomads, is of great importance for the claimants to the monarchy Iran had. This research has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical approach and with the aim of investigating the causes of various conflicts between the claimants of the monarchy over Iran over the occupation of Kermanshah. Findings indicate that Karim Khan Zand, due to ethnic and tribal solidarity with the people of Kermanshah, familiarity with the geography of the region and intelligent measures in using the geostrategic location of Kermanshah, benefited the most from the natural and human resources of this province. He was able to defeat the other claimants to the monarchy.